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01 / More than meets the eye

Sae-A Trading’s Haitian Garment Empire and the Unequal Hierarchy Behind 8,000 Jobs

Sae-A Trading / S&H Global 2010s Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation Archive: verified 2/5 wildness

By late 2016, South Korean manufacturer Sae-A Trading had become one of the major employers in Haiti’s garment sector, with its S&H Global operation employing approximately 8,000 people, according to journalist Frédéric Thomas in Le Monde diplomatique. The company’s international production network also extended across Costa Rica, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Haiti, supplying mass-market retailers and specialty clothing brands in the United States, Europe, and Asia. Thomas described a sharply stratified workplace structure: Korean personnel occupied senior management, Central American or Dominican Republic managers filled the middle tier, and Haitian workers performed the largely unskilled production labor. The arrangement reflected the broader power imbalance of export garment manufacturing, in which global brands and foreign factory owners controlled capital and production while Haitian employees depended on low-level industrial work. In May 2016, Haitian President Jocelerme Privert publicly expressed concern about violence directed at S&H Global executives, adding political tension and security fears to an already unequal labor environment. The source does not document a specific factory disaster, mass casualty event, or proven labor-law violation, but it does offer a revealing snapshot of the hierarchy and instability surrounding one of Haiti’s largest garment employers.

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Sae-A Trading’s Haitian Garment Empire and the Unequal Hierarchy Behind 8,000 JobsAI concept artwork

Archive Record · 2010s

Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation2/5 wildness

Sae-A Trading’s Haitian Garment Empire and the Unequal Hierarchy Behind 8,000 Jobs

Sae-A Trading / S&H Global / 2010s

By late 2016, South Korean manufacturer Sae-A Trading had become one of the major employers in Haiti’s garment sector, with its S&H Global operation employing approximately 8,000 people, according to journalist Frédéric Thomas in Le Monde diplomatique. The company’s international production network also extended across Costa Rica, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Haiti, supplying mass-market retailers and specialty clothing brands in the United States, Europe, and Asia. Thomas described a sharply stratified workplace structure: Korean personnel occupied senior management, Central American or Dominican Republic managers filled the middle tier, and Haitian workers performed the largely unskilled production labor. The arrangement reflected the broader power imbalance of export garment manufacturing, in which global brands and foreign factory owners controlled capital and production while Haitian employees depended on low-level industrial work. In May 2016, Haitian President Jocelerme Privert publicly expressed concern about violence directed at S&H Global executives, adding political tension and security fears to an already unequal labor environment. The source does not document a specific factory disaster, mass casualty event, or proven labor-law violation, but it does offer a revealing snapshot of the hierarchy and instability surrounding one of Haiti’s largest garment employers.

Archive: verified

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1506 stories

1506 stories in this selection.

01

Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation1940s

The Auschwitz Fashion Salon Where Prisoners Sewed for Nazi Women

Obere Nähstube (Upper Tailoring Studio), Auschwitz; Hedwig Höss

Inside Auschwitz, clothing production became part of the camp's brutal hierarchy. Hedwig Höss, wife of the Nazi commandant, used female prisoners as workers in a fashion salon known as the Obere Nähstube, or Upper Tailoring Studio. Marta Fuchs, Berta Berkovich Kohut, and other young women were forced to design and tailor high-fashion garments for elite Nazi women. Their sewing skills offered a narrowly defined chance of survival within the concentration-camp system, but the work remained coerced labor conducted under conditions of imprisonment, terror, and mass persecution. The contrast was grotesque: garments associated with privilege and social display were produced by women whose own freedom, safety, and families had been destroyed by the regime that benefited from their labor. The story exposes how Nazi power extended even into the intimate world of women's dress, converting prisoners' craftsmanship into a luxury service for the ruling elite. Adlington's research grew from her earlier fictional account, The Red Ribbon (2017), after descendants of some of the dressmakers contacted her with additional information. Her subsequent factual book, The Dressmakers of Auschwitz (2021), brought the women's experiences to a wide international audience, helping preserve their names and documenting a largely overlooked intersection of fashion, forced labor, and Holocaust history.

Archive: verified ↗
02

Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation1930s

Sidney Hillman's 1931 War on the Garment Racketeers

Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, Sidney Hillman, Louis 'Lepke' Buchalter, Abraham Beckerman, and Philip Orlofsky

By 1931, ACWA president Sidney Hillman moved against the gangster influence that had penetrated sections of the New York garment trade. He first organized public pressure on Jimmy Walker, the notoriously corrupt Tammany Hall mayor, demanding action against racketeering in the garment district. Hillman then seized control of Cutters Local 4, expelled Beckerman and Orlofsky, and purged corrupt officials in Newark, New Jersey. The union escalated the campaign by striking manufacturers who subcontracted work to non-union or cut-rate contractors in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. During the dispute, Amalgamated pickets targeted trucks operated by Buchalter's companies, attempting to stop finished garments from being carried back into New York. The campaign cleaned up the union's internal structure and strengthened its opposition to sweatshop subcontracting, but it did not remove Buchalter from the clothing economy. The source leaves open the possibility that some form of accommodation may have existed between the union and the racketeer, while stressing that no evidence was found despite investigations and attacks by figures such as prosecutor Thomas Dewey and journalist Westbrook Pegler. The unresolved suspicion became part of the darker mythology of American labor history: a reformist union leader trying to impose industry-wide standards while confronting a criminal network that had embedded itself in trucking, subcontracting, factories, and union locals.

Archive: verified ↗
03

Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation1910s

The 1910 Chicago Garment Revolt That Pitted 41,000 Workers Against Their Own Union

United Garment Workers and Chicago garment manufacturers

In 1910, a spontaneous walkout begun by only a handful of women garment workers erupted into a citywide strike involving approximately 41,000 employees. The conflict exposed the brutal power structure of urban clothing production: workers faced their employers and local authorities, but also resistance from the conservative United Garment Workers, the American Federation of Labor affiliate that was supposed to represent them. Chicago's militant urban locals, many of them influenced by Socialist politics, demanded a more aggressive union capable of confronting manufacturers over wages, hours, and shop-floor control. Instead, the established union leadership treated the insurgent locals as a threat to its authority. The dispute became the foundational trauma behind the creation of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America in 1914, when locals representing roughly two-thirds of the United Garment Workers' membership broke away after an attempted disenfranchisement at the union's convention. The AFL refused to recognize the new organization, while the old union later raided Amalgamated territory, supplied strikebreakers, and signed agreements with employers targeted by Amalgamated strikes. The episode helped define American garment unionism as a fight not only against low-wage manufacturing but also against conservative labor institutions that could suppress the workers they claimed to represent.

Archive: verified ↗
04

Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation1910s

The 1915 Chicago Riot: A Striker Killed and a Ten-Year-Old Bystander Crushed

United Garment Workers of America and Chicago garment manufacturers

Chicago's garment labor conflict erupted into further lethal violence during a United Garment Workers strike in October 1915. On October 26, striker Edward Kapper was killed during a riot. Three days later, on October 29, ten-year-old Leo Schroeder, who was not a participant in the labor action, was crushed by a mob. The deaths showed how quickly a dispute over wages, workplace authority, and union recognition could spill beyond factory gates and endanger the surrounding public. The violence came only a year after militant Chicago locals and other large urban branches had broken from the United Garment Workers to establish the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, reflecting widespread anger at what critics regarded as the older union's inadequate support for strikers. The episode remains a stark example of the human cost of early American garment-industry organizing, where labor disputes were often enforced through mass confrontation, police intervention, and uncontrolled street violence.

Archive: verified ↗
05

Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation1910s

Ida Braiman and the Rochester Garment Strike Shooting

United Garment Workers of America and Rochester garment manufacturers

In February 1913, Rochester, New York, became the scene of another violent garment-industry confrontation when workers struck for improved labor conditions and collective bargaining power. During the dispute, striker Ida Braiman was killed by gunfire and other people were wounded. Her death illustrated the danger faced by early twentieth-century garment workers when picket lines and factory disputes were treated as public-order crises rather than workplace conflicts. The Rochester violence also reinforced criticism of the United Garment Workers' cautious relationship with manufacturers. Within the union, many urban locals believed that officials were too conciliatory and insufficiently willing to defend workers through strikes, particularly the lower-paid and less-skilled employees who were most vulnerable to employer pressure. The episode formed part of the mounting unrest that preceded the 1914 breakaway of militant locals and the creation of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.

Archive: verified ↗
06

Sweatshops & Labor Exploitation1820s-1830s

The United Tailoresses Society Strikes: New York Women Challenge Poverty Wages in 1825 and 1831

United Tailoresses Society of New York

Long before the modern garment factory, New York's female tailoresses were already trapped in a dispersed, home-based labor system. Most were widows or unmarried women with little specialized training, paid by the piece rather than by a stable wage. They commonly worked around 16 hours a day during the 1820s yet earned an average of only $1.25 per week—insufficient for basic survival. Many worked from their homes, sometimes with children helping to complete orders, and depended on charitable relief to make up the difference. This structure made exploitation difficult to see and even harder to organize against: workers were isolated in separate households rather than gathered under one roof, while employers could reduce piece rates and shift work among women desperate for income.

Archive: verified ↗
Showing 1–6 of 1506

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From the Fashion archive

Sae-A Trading / S&H Global / 2010s

Sae-A Trading’s Haitian Garment Empire and the Unequal Hierarchy Behind 8,000 Jobs

Sweatshops & Labor ExploitationArchive: verified2/5 wildness

By late 2016, South Korean manufacturer Sae-A Trading had become one of the major employers in Haiti’s garment sector, with its S&H Global operation employing approximately 8,000 people, according to journalist Frédéric Thomas in Le Monde diplomatique. The company’s international production network also extended across Costa Rica, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Haiti, supplying mass-market retailers and specialty clothing brands in the United States, Europe, and Asia. Thomas described a sharply stratified workplace structure: Korean personnel occupied senior management, Central American or Dominican Republic managers filled the middle tier, and Haitian workers performed the largely unskilled production labor. The arrangement reflected the broader power imbalance of export garment manufacturing, in which global brands and foreign factory owners controlled capital and production while Haitian employees depended on low-level industrial work. In May 2016, Haitian President Jocelerme Privert publicly expressed concern about violence directed at S&H Global executives, adding political tension and security fears to an already unequal labor environment. The source does not document a specific factory disaster, mass casualty event, or proven labor-law violation, but it does offer a revealing snapshot of the hierarchy and instability surrounding one of Haiti’s largest garment employers.

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